credits
|
Dave
Miller, Ph.D.
Brad Harrub, Ph.D. |
BAILEY AND PILLARD—
THE FAMOUS “TWINS” STUDY
THE FAMOUS “TWINS” STUDY
One of the most frequently cited
studies used in promoting the genetics of sexual orientation is a 1952 study by
Kallmann. In this famous work, he reported a concordance rate (or genetic
association) of 100% for sexual orientation among monozygotic (identical) twins
(1952, 115:283). This result, if true, would prove nearly insurmountable for
those people who doubt the biological causation of homosexuality. However,
Kallmann subsequently conjectured that this perfect concordance was an
artifact, possibly due to the fact that his sample was drawn largely from
mentally ill and institutionalized men (see Rainer, et al., 1960, 22:259). But
Kallmann’s research opened the door to twin studies in regard to sexual orientation.
Michael Bailey and Richard Pillard,
researchers at Northwestern University and the Boston University School of
Medicine, carried out a similar experiment, examining 56 pairs of identical
twins, 54 pairs of fraternal twins, 142 non-twin brothers of twins, and 57
pairs of adoptive brothers (1991, 48:1089-1096). Bailey and Pillard were
looking to see if homosexuality was passed on through familial lines, or if one
could point to environmental factors as the cause. Their hypothesis: if
homosexuality is an inherited trait, then more twin brothers would be expected
to have the same orientation than non-twin or non-biological brothers.
Their
Reported Findings
- 52% of identical (monozygotic) twins of homosexual men were homosexual
- 22% of fraternal (dizygotic) twins were likewise homosexual
- 11% of adoptive brothers of homosexual men were homosexual
- 9.2% of non-twin biological siblings reported homosexual orientations (Bailey and Pillard, 1991, “A Genetic Study of Male Sexual Orientation”)
- 48% of identical twins of homosexual women were likewise homosexual
- 16% of fraternal (dizygotic) twins were likewise homosexual
- 6% of adoptive sisters of homosexual women were likewise homosexual (Bailey and Benishay, 1993, “Familial Aggregation of Female Sexual Orientation”)
Problems
with Bailey and Pillard’s Study
While the authors acknowledged some
of the flaws with their research, they still were quoted in Science News
as saying: “Our research shows that male sexual orientation is substantially
genetic” (as quoted in Bower, 1992, 141:6). However, the most glaring
observation is that clearly not 100% of the identical twins “inherited”
homosexuality. If there was, in fact, a “gay gene,” then all of the
identical twins should have reported a homosexual orientation. And yet, in
nearly half of the twins studied, one brother was not homosexual. In a
technical-comment letter in Science, Neil Risch and colleagues pointed
out: “The biological brothers and adoptive brothers showed approximately the
same rates. This latter observation suggests that there is no genetic
component, but rather an environmental component shared in families” (1993,
262:2063). In fact, more adoptive brothers shared homosexuality than
non-twin biological brothers. If there was a genetic factor, this result
would be counter to the expected trend. Byne and Parsons noted:
However, the concordance rate for homosexuality in nontwin
biologic brothers was only 9.2—significantly lower than that required by simple
genetic hypothesis, which, on the basis of shared genetic material, would
predict similar concordance rates for DZ [dizygotic] twins and nontwin biologic brothers.
Furthermore, the fact that the concordance rates were similar for nontwin
biologic brothers (9.2%) and genetically unrelated adoptive brothers (11.0%) is
at odds with a simple genetic hypothesis, which would predict a higher
concordance rate for biological siblings (1993, 50:229).
A more recently published twin study
failed to find similar concordance rates. King and McDonald studied 46
homosexual men and women who were twins. The concordance rates that they
reported were 10%, or 25% with monozygotic twins—depending on whether or not
the bisexuals were included along with the homosexuals. The rates for dizygotic
twins were 8% or 12%, again, depending on whether bisexuals were included (King
and McDonald, 1992). Byne and Parsons commented: “These rates are significantly
lower than those reported by Bailey and Pillard; in comparison of the MZ [monozygotic] concordance rate,
including bisexuals (25%), with the comparable figure from Bailey and Pillard
(52%)” (p. 230). They went on to observe: “Furthermore, if the concordance rate
is similar for MZ
and DZ
twins, the importance of genetic factors would be considerably less than
that suggested by Bailey and Pillard” (p. 230, emp. added).
Another factor that may have had a
drastic affect on the results of this study (and other similar studies) centers
on methodology. Bailey and Pillard did not study a random sample of
homosexuals. Instead, the subjects were recruited through advertisements placed
in homosexual publications. This method can be deemed questionable because it
is highly dependent on the readership of those publications and on the motives
of those who respond. Thus, it may lead to skewed results—for example, inflated
rates of concordance in identical twins owing to preferential participation
(see Baron, 1993). Hubbard and Wald observed:
The fact that fraternal twins of gay men were roughly twice
as likely to be gay as other biological brothers shows that environmental
factors are involved, since fraternal twins are no more similar biologically
than are other biological brothers. If being a fraternal twin exerts an
environmental influence, it does not seem surprising that this should be even
truer for identical twins, who the world thinks of as “the same” and treats
accordingly, and who often share those feelings of sameness (1997, p. 97).
In summarizing their findings, Byne
and Parsons stated: “Critical review shows the evidence favoring a biologic
theory to be lacking” (50:228). Commenting on Bailey and Pillard’s report,
researchers Billings and Beckwith wrote:
While the authors interpreted their findings as evidence for
a genetic basis for homosexuality, we think that the data in fact provide
strong evidence for the influence of the environment (1993, p. 60).
When evaluated scientifically, twin
studies fail to provide any valid support for the longed-for “gay gene.”
DEAN HAMER—THE GAY GENE
ON THE X CHROMOSOME
ON THE X CHROMOSOME
Two years after Simon LeVay’s
report, a group led by Dean H. Hamer of the National Cancer Institute allegedly
linked male homosexuality to a gene on the X chromosome. His team investigated
114 families of homosexual men. Hamer and his colleagues collected family
history information from 76 gay male individuals and 40 gay brother pairs as
they searched for incidences of homosexuality among relatives of gay men.
In many families, gay men had gay
relatives through maternal lines. Thus, they concluded that a gene for
homosexuality might be found on the X chromosome, which is passed from the
mother alone. They then used DNA linkage analysis in an effort to find a correlation between
inheritance and homosexual orientation.
Their
Reported Findings
Because many of the families with a
prevalence of homosexual relatives had a common set of DNA markers on the X chromosome,
Hamer’s group assumed a genetic etiology. Of the 40 pairs of homosexual
brothers he analyzed, Hamer found that 33 exhibited a matching DNA region called q28—a gene located at
the tip of the long arm of the X chromosome. In summarizing their findings,
Hamer and colleagues noted: “Our experiments suggest that a locus (or loci)
related to sexual orientation lies within approximately 4 million base pairs of
DNA
on the tip of the long arm of the X chromosome” (1993, 261:326, parenthetical
item in orig.). This discovery prompted Hamer and his colleagues to speculate:
The linkage to markers on Xq28, the subtelomeric region of
the long arm of the sex chromosome, had a multipoint lod score of 4.0, indicating
a statistical confidence level of more than 99 percent that at least one
subtype of male sexual orientation is genetically influenced (261:321, emp.
added).
It is important to note that Hamer
did not claim to have found a “gay gene,” or even the set of genes, that might
contribute to a propensity for homosexuality. According to Chicago Tribune
staff writer, John Crewdson, what Hamer claimed to have found was “statistical
evidence that such genes exist” (1995).
Problems
with Hamer’s Study
One of the most significant problems
with Hamer’s approach is that he and his colleagues did not feel that it was
necessary to check whether any of the heterosexual men in these families shared
the marker in question! Would it not be useful to know whether or not this “gay
gene” is found in heterosexuals? Even if only a few of them possess the gene,
it calls into question what the gene or the self-identification signifies.
Additionally, Hamer never explained why the other seven pairs of brothers did
not display the same genetic marker. If this is “the gene” for
homosexuality, then one must assume all homosexual individuals would possess
that particular marker—and yet that was not the case in Hamer’s study.
In a letter to Science, Anne
Fausto-Sterling and Evan Balaban pointed out some of the additional problems
with Hamer’s study. They noted:
Despite our praise for aspects of Hamer, et al.’s
work, we feel it is also important to recognize some of its weaknesses. The
most obvious of these is the lack of an adequate control group. Their study
demonstrates cosegregation of a trait (which Hamer, et al. have labeled
“homosexuality”) with X chromosome markers and the trait’s concordance in
homosexual brothers. This cosegregation is potentially meaningful if the mother
is heterozygous for the trait. In this case, segregating chromosomes without
the markers should show up in nonhomosexual brothers, but Hamer, et al.
present no data to that effect (1993, 261:1257, emp. added).
Fausto-Sterling and Balaban
continued:
This sensitivity to assumptions about background levels
makes Hamer, et al.’s data less robust than the summary in their
abstract indicates.... Finally we wish to emphasize a point with which we are
sure Hamer, et al. would agree: correlation does not necessarily
indicate causation (261:1257).
In other words, Hamer’s methodology
leaves something to be desired. One also should keep in mind that Hamer’s
sampling was not random, and, as a result, his data may not reflect the real
population.
George Rice and his colleagues from
Canada looked intently at the gene Xq28. They then observed: “Allele and
halotype sharing for these markers was not increased over expectation. These
results do not support an X-linked gene underlying male homosexuality”
(1999, 284:665, emp. added). Rice, et al., included 182 families in their
study. They noted:
It is unclear why our results are so discrepant from Hamer’s
original study. Because our study was larger than that of Hamer et al., we certainly
had adequate power to detect a genetic effect as large as was reported in that
study. Nonetheless, our data do not support the presence of a gene of large
effect influencing sexual orientation at position Xq28 (284:667).
That is a tactful way of saying that
any claims of having found a “gay gene” were overblown, if not outright false,
and that Hamer’s results are dubious at best. Commenting on the study of Rice
and his colleagues, Ingrid Wickelgren remarked: “...the Ontario team found that
gay brothers were no more likely to share the Xq28 markers than would be
expected by chance.... Ebers interprets all these results to mean that the X
linkage is all but dead” (1999, 284:571, emp. added).
In June of 1998, University of
Chicago psychiatrist Alan Sanders reported at the meeting of the American
Psychiatric Association that he, too, had been unable to verify Hamer’s
results. Looking for an increase in Xq28 linkage, Sanders’ team studied 54
pairs of gay brothers. As Wickelgren indicated, Sanders’ team had found “only a
weak hint—that wasn’t statistically significant—of an Xq28 linkage among 54 gay
brother pairs” (284:571). Commenting on the validity of Hamer’s study,
Wickelgren quoted George Rice: “Taken together, Rice says, the results
‘suggest that if there is a linkage it’s so weak it’s not important’”
(1999, emp. added). Two independent labs failed to reproduce anything even
remotely resembling Hamer’s results.
CHANGEABILITY OF HOMOSEXUALS—
EVIDENCE AGAINST GENETICS
EVIDENCE AGAINST GENETICS
An individual born with diabetes has
no hope of changing that condition. Likewise, a child born with Down’s syndrome
will carry that chromosomal abnormality throughout his or her life. These
individuals are a product of the genes they inherited from their parents.
Homosexuality appears to be vastly different. Many people have been able to
successfully change their sexual orientation. [Truth be told, some individuals
experiment with a variety of sexual partners—male/female—often, going back and
forth. One might inquire if the bisexuality denotes the existence of a
“bisexual gene?”] Ironically, however, the removal of homosexuality as a
designation from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Psychiatric
Disorders by the American Psychiatric Association has kept many physicians
from attempting to provide reparative therapy to homosexuals.
Robert Spitzer conducted a study on
200 self-selected individuals (143 males, 57 females) in an effort to see if
participants could change their sexual orientation from homosexual to
heterosexual (2003, 32:403-417). He reported some minimal change from
homosexual to heterosexual orientation that lasted at least five years (p.
403). Spitzer observed:
The majority of participants gave reports of change from a
predominantly or exclusively homosexual orientation before therapy to a
predominantly or exclusively heterosexual orientation in the past year (p.
403).
In summarizing his findings, Spitzer
declared: “Thus, there is evidence that change in sexual orientation following
some form of reparative therapy does occur in some gay men and lesbians.” He
thus concluded: “This study provides evidence that some gay men and lesbians
are able to also change the core features of sexual orientation” (p. 415).
Six years earlier, the National
Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH) released the results of a two-year
study stating:
Before treatment, 68 percent of the respondents perceived
themselves as exclusively or almost entirely homosexual, with another 22
percent stating that they were more homosexual than heterosexual. After
treatment, only 13 percent perceived themselves as exclusively or almost
entirely homosexual, while 33 percent described themselves as either
exclusively or almost entirely heterosexual (see Nicolosi, 2000, 86:1071).
The study also reported:
Although 83 percent of respondents indicated that they
entered therapy primarily because of homosexuality, 99 percent of those who
participated in the survey said they now believe treatment to change
homosexuality can be effective and valuable (p. 1071).
These data are consistent with the
ongoing research project of Rob Goetze, who has identified 84 articles or books
that contain some relevance to the possibility of sexual orientation change
(2004). Of the data reported, 31 of the 84 studies showed a quantitative
outcome of individuals able to change sexual orientation. These are not studies
that merely speculate on the ability to change; they actually have the numbers
to back it up! All of these data come on the heels of warnings from the Surgeon
General, The American Academy of Pediatrics, and all of the major mental health
associations, which have issued position statements warning of possible harm
from such therapy, and have asserted that there is no evidence that such
therapy can change a person’s sexual orientation. For instance, the 1998
American Psychiatric Association Position Statement on Psychiatric Treatment
and Sexual Orientation noted:
...there is no published scientific evidence supporting the
efficacy of reparative therapy as a treatment to change one’s sexual
orientation.... The potential risks of reparative therapy are great, including
depression, anxiety, and self-destructive behavior (see American Psychiatric
Association, 1999, p. 1131).
Thus, physicians are caught in a
quandary of a double standard. On the one hand, they are told that it is
“unethical” for a clinician to provide reparative therapy because homosexuality
is not a diagnosable disorder, and thus one should not seek to change. Yet,
they contend that not enough studies have been conducted to determine the
effectiveness of reparative therapy. The message is loud and clear: “Do not do
this because it is unethical to ask a homosexual person to change. However,
truth be told, we have not collected enough data to know if a person can safely
change his or her sexual orientation.”
In situations where sexual
orientation is being measured, studies face serious methodological problems
(i.e., follow-up assessment, possible bias, no detailed sexual history, random
sampling, etc.). But even given these serious shortcomings from behavioral
studies such as these, there are sufficient data to indicate that an individual
can change his or her sexual orientation from homosexual to
heterosexual—something that would be an impossibility if homosexuality were
caused by genetics.
CONCLUSION
Consider the obvious problem of
survival for individuals who allegedly possess a gay gene: individuals who
have partners of the same sex are biologically unable to reproduce
(without resorting to artificial means). Therefore, if an alleged “gay gene”
did exist, the homosexual population eventually would disappear altogether. We
now know that it is not scientifically accurate to refer to a “gay gene” as the
causative agent in homosexuality. The available evidence clearly establishes
that no such gene has been identified. Additionally, evidence exists which
documents that homosexuals can change their sexual orientation. Future
decisions regarding policies about, and/or treatment of, homosexuals should
reflect this knowledge.